Non acts of omission(that is, the participants refuse

Non violent action is arguably a universal phenomenon, in
the sense that it occurs throughout history and across social and political
system. It defines its subject as an aspect of actions, generally collective
action, in social, political or economic conflict. Nonviolent action is
therefore neither passivity, nor a part of institutionalized politics, nor
violence. This action remains poorly understood as a distinctive phenomenon as
it overlaps other human behaviors that receive much more study on their own
such as conflict, state violence etc.

Nonviolent action is a technique of conducting protest,
resistance, and intervention without physical violence by :(a) acts of
omission(that is, the participants refuse to perform acts which they usually
perform, or are required by law or regulation to perform); or (b) acts of
commission (that is, the participants perform acts which they usually do not
perform, are not expected by customs to perform, or are forbidden by law or
regulation from performing); or (c) a combination of both. (Sharp 1985:51)

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Non violent action is distinct from conflict resolution
and management techniques as it is a means of protest, resistance and
intervention. It also operates beyond institutionalized means for conducting
and setting disputes in a given social or political system. The conduct and
effect of non violent actions in conflict can be assessed independently of
whether physical violence and material destruction are present in same
conflict. The existence of nonviolent actions requires neither the powerful to
tolerate active opposition. It is a unilateral initiative by on party respond
in kind.  Some of the methods (Sharp
identifies 198 methods)of nonviolent actions Sharp(1973) are Public Speeches, Letters of opposition or support, Slogans, caricatures, and symbols, Humorous
skits and pranks, Protest emigration , Dual sovereignty and parallel
government and many more.

Gandhi believed that nonviolent actions as a whole can be
distinguished from particular methods or limited conceptions of nature. His
thinking begins the task of developing a more economic passing and focused view
of non violent action and its relationship to political object and position.
Gandhi’s influenced led to large, uncritical, literature on the relationship
over nonviolence. Politics of Nonviolent Action (sharp) present an extended
hypothesis regarding the relationship of nonviolent action to social and
political power. Krishnalal Shridharni (1939) added academic approach to
Gandhian strategy of satyagrah, in which he identified the assess the specific
advocacy method of Gandhi.

Building upon the knowledge base, some assumptions are
either unstated or not expressed as researchable problem. Inge Powell Bell’s
study of the congress of Racial Equality in the early 1960s finds that
ideological commitment to nonviolence was characteristic of CORE leaders, but
not nearly so much of followers. The technique approach broadens the range of
motivations and attitudes that can be considered, such as political or
ideological beliefs, perceptions of the relative costs and benefits of
participation and disposition towards particular leaders or away from the
existing social and political problem.

Another assumption that needs to be critically assessed
is the belief that highly centralized and charismatic leadership is
indispensable in nonviolent action. Clearly the practice of great leaders are but
one part of a broader body of technique. Likewise, in a reversal of this time
same trend of thought, the movements for Indian independence and civil rights
in the United States finally become seen as either historically and culturally
unique or the opposite as standards against which all cases are to be compared.

Third assumption in research on nonviolent action relates
to how thinkers and activists have traced the process by which nonviolent
actions achieves change. one argument proceed like ; first the non violent challenges
engages activists in voluntary acceptance of suffering , second ; their
suffering creates moral contradictions and tensions among the adversaries and
third , contradictions are resolved by a change of minds and heart in the
adversaries, leading to the closer understanding and reconciliation of groups.
Lakey (1968) and Sharp (1973, 1990) suggest other mechanism of change, which
broaden the focus of research. The assumptions of the technique approach can be
posed as testable propositions if they are to be the basis of a coherent
research program. Sharp’s arguments about the nature of power (1973, 1990)
offer one set of explanations.

Research questions are suggested by the topic. For example,
a scholar might notice that nonviolent actions in a region or an era that he or
she is interested in, and this might spark research to explore its
significance. This approach doesn’t address research question explicitly
suggested by the concepts and theories of nonviolent action. It makes
contribution by adding new insights rather than testing the theory. It’s not
easy to specify the dimension on which the settings of cases are different or
similar. Secondly, the accumulation of theory from features of case studies has
been unsystematic.

The case study theory dichotomy implies alternative
methods of theory construction. The variables of interest would be determined
mostly by the features of cases, the nature of the evidence and possible
findings and personal theoretical interest of the researcher.  Nonviolent action can be viewed as a
dependent variable or as an independent variable, depending on whether the
researcher is oriented towards its causes or purposes.